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NOTES TO
The Life & Works of

Prince Edward, Duke of Kent

[1] "George III, with his narrow mind, his intriguing and cunning nature, his stubborn insincerity, his homely lack of dignity, his cheese-paring domestic meanness, his middle-class popularity and middle-grade intellect ... George was one of those hearty fellows who reveled in the obvious and hated subtleties, ate well, slept well, tended toward corpulence, took a large amount of horse exercise ... His wife Charlotte (of Mecklenburg-Strelitz) bore him no fewer than fifteen children, but he had to bear with a spouse who was as dull as she was respectable." [Chatterton's A Life of William Pitt, (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1930) p. 168.]

[2] Royal Dukes (London: Duckworth, 1933) p. 150.

[3] Edward was to have a life long fascination with clocks and music boxes; later in life he was to have a sizable collection of them. See, McKenzie Porter Overture to Victoria (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1961) p. 88.

[4] However there are those authors such as Lord Rosebery who were of the view that George the Third made his children's home a "hell upon earth"; he thought it his duty to reign over his children as a despot. "As a consequence, they escaped from his roof as soon, and returned to it as rarely, as possible." [Pitt (London: MacMillan, 1891) at p. 12.]

[5] Royal Dukes (London: Duckworth, 1933) p. 150. William and his wild ways, it is to be noted, caused considerable concern for his parents such that they handed him over to the Royal Navy at the age of fourteen. "The Sailor King," King William IV occupied the throne for seven years just prior to the ascension of Victoria.As part of his career in the navy, Prince William visited Halifax, as the captain of his own warship, in 1786 and in 1787 in the 28 gun Pegasus, and then in 1788 in the Andromeda. It was during these visits, it is reported, that Lady Wentworth extended the comforts of her bed to the Prince.

[6] David Duff, Edward of Kent: The Life Story of Queen Victoria's Father (1938) (London: Frederick Muller Ltd., Redwood Press, 1973) pp. 47-8.

[7] See Anderson, The Life of Edward, Duke of Kent (Ottawa: Hunter, Rose, 1870) p. 4.

[8] Erskine Neale, The Life of Field-Marshall His Royal Highness, Edward, Duke of Kent (London: Richard Bentley, 2nd Ed., 1850) p. 15.

[9] Anderson, p. 6.

[10] Anderson, p. 6.

[11] As quoted by David Duff, Edward of Kent: The Life Story of Queen Victoria's Father (1938) (London: Frederick Muller Ltd., Redwood Press, 1973) p. 76.

[12] As quoted by Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 21.

[13] This letter of the Duke of Kent to his brother, the Duke of Clarence is proof of the fact that he knew Julie before 1791. There is additional proof of this: In 1818, Edward wrote that he and Julie were together for twenty-seven years. We will see where Julie and Edward were to part permanently at the beginning of 1818. This came about, as we will see, because of a crisis in the House of Hanover -- a distinct lack of royal babies. The crises came to a head with the death of the only grandchild, Princess Charlotte which occurred in November of 1817. That infers that Edward met Julie in 1790. In January of 1790 Prince Edward fled from Geneva! Thus it seems likely that they met at Geneva in the autumn of 1789. Prince Edward, a twenty-two year old who had led pretty much a sheltered life to that point; and Madame St Lawrence a beautiful and sophisticated French lady who was then twenty-nine. [Edward of Kent: The Life Story of Queen Victoria's Father (1938) (London: Frederick Muller Ltd., Redwood Press, 1973) p. 246.]

[14] Duff has them setting off for Quebec from Gibraltar on May 27th, 1791; and that he arrived, together with a navel fleet of six war ships [Duff names them at p. 99.], at Quebec on July 27th. Gillen, at p. 25, sets out the dates that I have used in my narrative.

[15] As quoted by Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 25. Gillen, by going to the ship's list, identified three servants that made the crossing to Quebec with Prince Edward: Philip Beck, John Woolmer and Robert Wood.

[16] As quoted by Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 57.

[17] See Duff's Edward of Kent: The Life Story of Queen Victoria's Father (1938) (London: Frederick Muller Ltd., Redwood Press, 1973) pp. 111-2.

[18] Anderson, The Life of Edward, Duke of Kent (Ottawa: Hunter, Rose, 1870) pp. 18-9.

[19] Mollie Gillen quoted Wentworth, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 87.

[20] At Martinique and Guadalupe, Prince Edward "headed several storming parties, on attacks on important forts ... and his daring bravery secured him general admiration ... and, as might have been expected, made him popular with the soldiers." See Akins, "History of Halifax City," NSHS, #8 (1895), p. 106; and see, Fergusson's introduction to the third volume of Diary of Simeon Perkins (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1961) p. xxiii.

[21] These are Gillen's dates, see p. 92. There are letters written by Prince Edward at Halifax during July of 1794 [see Anderson, The Life of Edward, Duke of Kent (Ottawa: Hunter, Rose, 1870) p. 23] which seem to indicate that Julie was at Halifax by mid-July?

[22] Akins breaks the figure down: 1301 males over 16 years of age, 935 males under 16 years of age, 2209 females, 422 black. (See Akins, History of Halifax City, NSHS, #8, p. 103; Haliburton, vol. 1, p. 270; and Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 424.)

[23] Piers' The Evolution of the Halifax Fortress (Halifax: PANS, Pub. #7, 1947) p. 21.

[24] Brian Cuthbertson The Loyalist Governor (Petheric Press, 1980) at p. 76.

[25] The de Salaberrys at Quebec befriended Prince Edward when he first arrived there in 1791; Edward and Julie were life long friends of the de Salaberrys. It was in 1792 that Edward and Julie became the Godparents to the youngest de Salaberry, Edward. There were three older boys: Louis (known as Chevalier), Maurice and Charles. The boys all benefited from their connection to Prince Edward. Well, maybe not. It appears they all had a chance to go to London to visit with Edward and Julie; in each case their education and promotion in the army was personally seen to by Prince Edward. Unfortunately these were years of war and two of the boys were shipped to India, that great graveyard of English soldiers; they both died there of dysentery. Edward, but twenty years old, was seen off by Edward and Julie as his troopship left for Spain. Edward was killed in the Battle of Badajos on April 5th, 1812. The surviving son fought his battles in Canada defending British rights against the rights of the United States of America. He is known as the hero of Chateauguay, a place where there unfolded an important battle with the Americans during The War Of 1812. For more, on the connection that the Duke of Kent had with the de Salaberry boys, see Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) pp. 192-3.

[26] See Anderson, The Life of Edward, Duke of Kent (Ottawa: Hunter, Rose, 1870) p. 32.

[27] McKenzie Porter Overture to Victoria (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1961) p. 89.

[28] Roger Fulford's Royal Dukes (London: Duckworth, 1933) p.153.

[29] Anderson, p. 42; for another account, see Neale, The Life of Field-Marshall His Royal Highness, Edward, Duke of Kent (London: Richard Bentley, 2nd Ed., 1850) p. 72 who was of the view that such an approach not only improved the military but also, by example, civilian classes of Halifax society.

[30] In a letter to Sir John Hervey and as set out by Neale, The Life of Field-Marshall His Royal Highness, Edward, Duke of Kent (London: Richard Bentley, 2nd Ed., 1850) p. 74.

[31] As quoted by Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 57.

[32] Archibald, "Life of Sir John Wentworth," NSHS, #20 (1921) p.64.

[33] Some said "Prince's Folly." See Anderson, The Life of Edward, Duke of Kent (Ottawa: Hunter, Rose, 1870) p. 42.

[34] "History of Halifax City," NSHS, #8, p. 124.

[35] Overture to Victoria (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1961) pp. 82-3.

[36] As quoted by Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 2.

[37] The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 95.

[38] The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 96. David Duff wrote, "They were a strange couple, he so solid, stiff, precise, and punctilious in spite of occasional flashes of humour, with a quiet but steady affection; she is so vivacious, bright, loving, and rather foreign 'in a way that sometimes upset the perfection of Castle Hill [their home in England],' caring for little in life save her 'beloved duke,' her friends, and her religion. She was part of his life; he was her entire existence." [Edward of Kent: The Life Story of Queen Victoria's Father (1938) (London: Frederick Muller Ltd., Redwood Press, 1973) p. 232.]

[39] Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 41.

[40] See, "Crosskill vs Kent"; by James F. Smith, NSHQ, Vol. #2:3 (1972).

[41] The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 103.

[42] "Their first son, born in Quebec City, took the name of his foster-father, Robert Wood, and made his home in Canada. Their second son, Jean de Mestre, born during Julie's 1794 voyage from Quebec City to Halifax, was reared by Julie's mother in Martinique until he was seven. Then he was sent to Jesuit school in Philadelphia. Eventually he joined the French consular service in Australia. Mélanie, Julie's daughter by de Fortisson, lived with her mother in Halifax until 1798." (Porter, Overture to Victoria (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1961) p. 92.)

[43] David Duff thought not. "Rumour has it that the Duke of Kent had a family of nine children by Julie de St. Laurent. This is very doubtful." (Edward of Kent: The Life Story of Queen Victoria's Father (1938) (London: Frederick Muller Ltd., Redwood Press, 1973) p. 193.)

[44] McKenzie Porter Overture to Victoria (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1961) p. 22. Though he came back into the picture, later, when Prince Edward was sent to Martinique and Guadalupe. Behind the walls of one of the French forts was no other than de Mestre, who upon leaving Gibraltar (Porter has it at p. 72) joined the French army and was sent out to the French West Indies. De Mestre was killed in one of these battles, his head taken off by a cannon ball; tradition has it that it rolled, de Mestre's head, to the feet of Prince Edward. [See Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 4.

[45] Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 8. These legends are dealt with by Mollie Gillen right at Chapter One. Of the Books written about Prince Edward and Madame St. Laurent, Gillen's is by far the best. She has her work well documented. At the back is an appendix in respect to the facts. She also did research into the Montgenêt family. In her work, Gillen set forth an exhaustive bibliography and gives numerous references. Where there is a conflict with the other authors, I preferred to take the word of Mollie Gillen.

[46] See Anderson, The Life of Edward, Duke of Kent (Ottawa: Hunter, Rose, 1870) p. 51.

[47] See, Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 172. The advice that the Prince received from a Dr. North then at Halifax was that he should return to England so to "take the waters of Bath." This we learn from the Duke himself in a letter to de Salaberry dated 15th of October, 1798. [See Anderson, The Life of Edward, Duke of Kent (Ottawa: Hunter, Rose, 1870) p. 56.]

[48] Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 121. At p. 198, one will find this: "Though the duke's life as a royal prince had to exclude Madame (she never went with him to Windsor or Buckingham House, or to Court functions, or on the family visits to Weymouth), she did on at least one occasion meet the Queen and two of the princesses.

[49] We see where Prince Edward lost the whole of his "equipage" when sleds broke through the ice of Lake Champlain, during January, 1794. He had placed an order after arriving at Halifax in 1794 with his suppliers at London to delver new equipage at a cost of £2,000, a very large sum in those days. This order was shipped in 1794 aboard the Antelope; but unfortunately the Antelope and its cargo never arrived as the vessel was captured by the French as a prize of war. A further order, his fifth was placed, and that too was lost due to enemy action; and a sixth order, same result. [See Anderson, The Life of Edward, Duke of Kent (Ottawa: Hunter, Rose, 1870) pp. 33 & 55.] To quote Anderson "on his appointment to the command in chief in B. N. America, he had ordered his seventh equipment to the value of £11,000, sterling, which was most thoughtlessly sent out in the month of October, in the Francis, which was wrecked [on December the 22nd] on Sable Island. Every soul on board perished, and ship and cargo were swallowed up by the insatiable sands." (Ibid., pp. 68-9.) Aboard the Francis was Prince Edward's household effects, which included "several valuable horses, and a most extensive library." (See NSHS #11, p. 133-5; and see Neale, The Life of Field-Marshall His Royal Highness, Edward, Duke of Kent (London: Richard Bentley, 2nd Ed., 1850) pp. 43-9.)

[50] Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 180.

[51] Porter, Overture to Victoria (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1961) p. 95. Frances Wentworth, having been quite sick the previous winter, had sailed to England in the spring of 1798. In England, Frances met up with her son Charles Mary, who was then in England. I think that Julie and Lady Francis knowing each other well due to their time together in Halifax (1794-98), must have been great company for one another during the winter of 1798/1799 and during their 43 day crossing on the Arethusa.

[52] The Prince continued on as the Commander of the Forces in British North America, with permission to be absent on leave.

[53] Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 195; and see Akins, "History of Halifax City," NSHS, #8, p. 131. We see in a letter dated Kensington Palace, 28th October, 1800, to his friend at Quebec, de Salaberry, that he "arrived at Plymouth after a pleasant voyage of twenty-seven days." He visited with his father at Weymouth, were he "took advantage of hot sea baths." [See Anderson, The Life of Edward, Duke of Kent (Ottawa: Hunter, Rose, 1870) p. 70.]

[54] Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 195. "Public feeling was against the Duke in this affair. It was thought that on the eve of his departure he should have granted a remission of the death sentence ... Three executions only a day or two after his departure, produced a disagreeable impression of His Royal Highness in the minds of the people of Halifax ..." (Akins, "History of Halifax City," NSHS, #8, p. 132.) The three executed, however, were guilty of the most serious crimes of mutiny and of firing upon their apprehenders. (See, Gillen, p. 134.)

[55] Gillen, pp. 153 & 157.

[56] Anderson, p. 84; Neale, p. 97.

[57] Anderson, The Life of Edward, Duke of Kent (Ottawa: Hunter, Rose, 1870) p. 86.

[58] McKenzie Porter Overture to Victoria (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1961) p. 108.

[59] The mistake that Edward made on his arrival at Gibraltar was to move too quickly to bring discipline in the ranks. He might have first started by bringing the officers over to his side. By closing down most of the liquor shops and putting the few remaining out of bounds, he not only upset the soldiers but those who ran the shops and those other officials at Gibraltar who had an interest in catering to the wants of soldiers; the impact reached to the highest echelons of the ruling circles at Gibraltar. For a development of this line of thought, see the quote in Porter, Overture to Victoria (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1961), at p. 109.

[60] Anderson, p. 89; and see, Porter, p 113. Actually, only a few were critical of Prince Edward in respect to the actions he took at Gibraltar as its governor. The key officers and the civilians were thankful that His Highness cured the soldiers of their bad habits which had developed before he arrived. His other brother, the Duke of York, was, towards Edward, "hostile, adamant, and unapproachable." (Gillen, p. 155.)

[61] Anderson, p. 97.

[62] Set out by Anderson at pp. 98-100.

[63] Roger Fulford brings some clarity to all these residences which Edward and Julie had occupied during the years while in England between 1803 and 1816. There were four homes which it seems they kept going all at the same time: The Pavilion at Hampton Court; Kensington Palace; Knightsbridge, Madame's home; and, Castle Hill Lodge, the Duke's home. Fulford explains that Kensington Palace was the Duke of Kent's official residence "from whence his correspondence was addressed and where he received callers. Edward and Julie were the happiest when at Castle Hill Lodge which was located in Ealing, "a pleasant, low house surrounded by forty acres of park land. At the entrance there was always six footmen." There was a gardener and six under-gardeners. Once inside there were scores of man servants dressed in livery. There were hanging on sitting room walls bell ropes, each to call a particular servant. "The house was filled with musical devices, cages of artificial singing birds, organs with dancing horses, and musical clocks. At night all the corridors and halls were lighted with hundreds of coloured lights." When quests came to diner there was always a band playing. Porter set out, at p. 121, a list of the servants in Edward's household, the count is 37 and includes, in addition to the mandatory equerries and grooms, chaplains, physicians, surgeons, a dentist, and apothecaries . It should be no problem to figure out why, even with his princely pensions, the duke of Kent was perpetually in debt. (Royal Dukes (London: Duckworth, 1933) pp 184-7. 182.)

[64] See letter set out by Anderson at p. 185. On May 31st, 1810, one of the Duke of Cumberland's household tried to murder the Duke. The Duke received six wounds; his assailant was killed, if not by the Duke then some other member in the household, though I think the official verdict was that the assailant had committed suicide. The sick sister was Princess Amelia, the King's youngest and most favourite; not long after Princess Amelia died.]

[65] "He handed over three-quarters of his income to trustees ... who were to deal with his creditors as best they might, while he went to live abroad in Brussels on £7,000 a year." [Roger Fulford's Royal Dukes (London: Duckworth, 1933) p. 182.]

[66] Fulford, p. 183.

[67] Overture to Victoria (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1961) p. 168.

[68] Royal Dukes (London: Duckworth, 1933) p. 189.

[69] We have seen earlier where David Duff worked out this statement of Prince Edward, that he was, in 1818, with Julie for twenty-seven years. "They parted at the beginning of 1818, although the crisis came in the autumn of 1817. That infers that Edward met Julie in 1790. In January of 1790 Prince Edward fled from Geneva! Thus it seems likely that they met in the autumn of 1789.(Edward of Kent: The Life Story of Queen Victoria's Father (1938) (London: Frederick Muller Ltd., Redwood Press, 1973) p. 246.)

[70] Mollie Gillen, The Prince and His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970) p. 225.

[71] Fulford, Royal Dukes (London: Duckworth, 1933) p. 198.

[72] Edward's will is set out by Anderson at p. 235.

[73] Edward of Kent: The Life Story of Queen Victoria's Father (1938) (London: Frederick Muller Ltd., Redwood Press, 1973) pp. 182-3.] His charitable intent is reflected, too in his approval of the work of Robert Owen, a contemporary of Prince Edward. David Duff reported (p.223) that the prince invited Owen over to Kensington Palace, and, after "much study and many long discussions with Owen" exclaimed, "I am in full and devoted convert to your philosophy in principle, spirit and practice."

[74] McKenzie Porter Overture to Victoria (Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1961) p. 197-8.

[75] See plate opposite p. 224, The Prince & His Lady (Toronto: Griffin House, 1970).

[76] Prince Edward had ordered the army engineers to make up the plans. These plans were submitted to England for approval. The clock itself was made in England and shipped over. It arrived at Halifax in H.M.S. Dart on June 10th, 1803, and installed on October the 20th. (See Piers' The Evolution of the Halifax Fortress (Halifax: PANS, Pub. #7, 1947) p. 31.)

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