^{FN1 Ch7} History of Nova Scotia, vol. 3, pp. 351-2.

^{FN2 Ch7} Moorsom, Letters from Nova Scotia (London: Colburn & Bently, 1830) pp. 20-1 & 36.

^{FN3 Ch7} Akins, "History of Halifax City," NSHS, #8 (1895), p. 106.

^{FN4 Ch7} In February of 1800, in England, a bill was passed making it unlawful for any baker, or any person, "to sell, or offer to expose for sale, any bread, until the same have been baked twenty-four hours at the least ... however, new bread might be lawfully sold to soldiers on the march." In 1801 a law was passed (41 Geo. III. c.16), "The Brown Bread Bill" forbidding the making of fine bread; it was repealed in a matter of weeks. (John Ashton's The Dawn of the XIXth Century in England, p. 245.) As for Halifax: "An American in Halifax in November, 1812, wrote home that within a fortnight twenty thousand barrels of flour had arrived in vessels under Spanish and Swedish flags, chiefly from Boston." (Mahan's Sea Power in its Relations to The War of 1812 (London: Sampson, Low, Marston, 1905), Vol. 1, p. 401.)

^{FN5 Ch7} Murdoch, Vol. 3, p. 129. These goods that ended up on the Halifax market, did not just come from the sale of cargoes taken out of prizes. "A number of neutral vessels which had sailed for the United States from Europe, on being informed that American ports were closed, proceeded to Halifax to wait until the owners could be informed of their plight. Wishing to return home, the captains solicited the permission of the governor to sell parts of their cargoes to enable them to make needed repairs and to buy provisions. The articles to be sold were lemons and salt." [Margaret Copp, "Nova Scotian Trade During the War of 1812," as is contained in Historical Essays on the Atlantic Provinces, G. A. Rawlyk, ed. (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967), p. 96.]

^{FN6 Ch7} NSHS, "Dockyard Memoranda 1894," Vol #13, p. 104.

^{FN7 Ch7} Dockyard workers were always able to directly supply their families with little things. "The mates of the West Indiamen had a right to the sweepings of sugar and coffee from the hold of the ship; the gangsmen and the coopers established a claim to the drainings of molasses and spilt sugar on the floor of the warehouse. ... At the Royal Yards, the shipwrights were allowed to take for firewood the chips that fell from the axe, and their womenfolk were permitted to do the gleaning. In each case the workers saw to it that the crumbs from the master's table were amble. Casks were handled not too gently; sacks were liable to burst open; shipwrights took care their wives did not go short of firewood." (T. S. Ashton, An Economic History of England: The 18th Century (London: Methuen, 1955) p. 208.)

^{FN8 Ch7} Murdoch, Vol. 3, p. 444.

^{FN9 Ch7} Sherbrooke to Liverpool, April 22nd, 1812, Calendar of Official Correspondence and Legislative Papers Nova Scotia, 1802-1815, compiled by Ells; Pub. #3 (Halifax: PANS, 1936) at p. 255.

^{FN10 Ch7} In 1809, the British government purchased the island point at the extreme north west of Bermuda in Sandys Parish. The magnificent dockyard that we may see today, though not now in use, was not begun until after The War of 1812. Indeed the stone work did not get into place until around mid-century. During the years 1824 to 1863, the British Government sent large numbers of convicts to Bermuda to build the Dockyard. (http://www.bermuda-online.org/rnd.htm : 9/22/2005)

^{FN11 Ch7} More vessels were built at Bermuda than at Halifax -- at least, from what I can see. We give recognition to the 18-gun Halifax, which was built at Halifax in 1806. She was broken up in 1814.

^{FN12 Ch7} In addition I spotted two smaller ones: the 10-gun Laura, a cutter built in 1805, and the 8-gun Juniper, a schooner built in 1808.

^{FN13 Ch7} Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 278.

^{FN14 Ch7} The drawing to the left is from Jefferys's three volume work, The Picture Gallery of Canadian History (Toronto: The Ryerson Press, 1942, 1945 & 1950). The coloured illustration below it comes from Summers & Chartand, Military Uniforms in Canada (Ottawa: National Museums, pub. No. 16, 1981).

^{FN15 Ch7} John Ashton's The Dawn of the XIXth Century in England, p. 412. Back in 1795, we see where Wentworth suggested to the Prince "that a considerable benefit might be derived from a discontinuance of the use of hair powder from the non-commissioned officers and private soldiers in this province." The flower saved, it was thought, might be better used to feed the population through the coming winter. (See letter from Lt. Gov. Wentworth to H. R. H. Prince Edward, set out by Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 142.)

^{FN16 Ch7} Summers & Chartand, Military Uniforms in Canada (Ottawa: National Museums, pub. No. 16, 1981), p. 60.

^{FN17 Ch7} See entry under Anson in The Oxford Companion to Ships & the Sea, (Oxford University Press, 1976)

^{FN18 Ch7} See, http://www.royal-navy.mod.uk/static/pages/1936.html : 11/1/2005

^{FN19 Ch7} See generally, Piers' The Evolution of the Halifax Fortress, particularly fn at p. 16 & at p. 25.

^{FN20 Ch7} Piers' The Evolution of the Halifax Fortress, p. 28.

^{FN21 Ch7} The Loyalist Governor (Petheric Press, 1980) at p. 76.

^{FN22 Ch7} Piers' The Evolution of the Halifax Fortress, p. 29.

^{FN23 Ch7} For a development of the early signal systems including that which was inaugurated in Halifax see, Wave to Whispers: British Military Communications in Halifax and the Empire, 1780-1880 (Ottawa: Government of Canada, 1982).

^{FN24 Ch7} 15 Sept., 1803: "... a packet from the Governor, with a Proclamation by General Bowyer of a free pardon for all deserters that will return or deliver themselves up, also a letter from the Governor requesting the Magistrates to take up all deserters." (Perkins.)

^{FN25 Ch7} Wentworth is seen complaining in a letter dated July 12, 1807: "I most sincerely wish the Inhabitants of the Country would duly consider the baseness and wickedness of encouraging desertion, by concealing and employing deserters." (Calendar Nova Scotia, 1802-1815, PANS, 1936.) And again on January 27th, 1808, the "government of Nova Scotia declares it will reward £3.10 any person who leads to the apprehension of any deserter from the army and navy. (Calendar Nova Scotia, 1802-1815, PANS, 1936.) As early as 1795, the legislature passed, An Act To Prevent The Harbouring Deserters from His Majesty's Army, and the Sale of Arms, Accoutrements and Clothing, belonging to His Majesty.. [Statutes of Nova Scotia, 1805, (Halifax: John Howe, Printers to the King, 1805) p. 350.] Citizens were to be fined not only for knowingly taking in a deserter but also for purchasing army goods from the man.

^{FN26 Ch7} See, Murdoch, Vol. 3, p. 231.

^{FN27 Ch7} John Ashton's The Dawn of the XIXth Century in England, p. 97.

^{FN28 Ch7} John Ashton's The Dawn of the XIXth Century in England, p. 407.

^{FN29 Ch7} For many years seaman in the British Navy were usually given an advance of two months' pay when they first went to sea; but it was believed they would be less prone to desert the ship if there was money owing to them, and hence nothing more was given until the crew was paid off. [See T. S. Ashton's, An Economic History of England: The 18th Century (London: Methuen, 1955) pp. 206-7.] During The Seven Years' War (1756-63), however, a more humanitarian approach was taken, in that the men would be paid every six months and regular provision was made for their wives and children.

^{FN30 Ch7} In any event, there were in fact not that many young men to be had in Nova Scotia that could fit the bill carried by a typical press gang. "The seamen arriving here in ships from Europe are drawn hence to the United States, by the dread of impressment, and prospect of good wages." Besides, pressing "on shore is attended with much disturbance and annoyance to the laboring poor, and others, not liable to the impress or not fit for the service." (Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 242.)

^{FN31 Ch7} "The impressment of men for the Navy had been a great grievance; the trade of the country was not only injured, but the town was becoming deprived of fish and fuel in consequence of the scarcity of fisherman and labourers." (Akins, "History of Halifax City," NSHS, #8 (1895), p. 74.)

^{FN32 Ch7} The practice, at least in Nova Scotia, was to authorize impressing men 24 hours before the ship sailed for whose service they were required. The effect of this rule no doubt would be to restrict the number of men so obtained, but it would also give little chance of liberation to any one once captured. (Murdoch, Vol. 3, p. 111.)

^{FN33 Ch7} Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 241; and see, Calendar Nova Scotia, 1802-1815, PANS, 1936; see Governor Wentworth's report under entry of May 16th, 1805; and see, Cuthbertson's The Loyalist Governor p. 132. The typical wording of a Press warrant is set out in the British Naval Documents 1204-1960, (London: Navy Records Society, Vol. 131, 1993.)

^{FN34 Ch7} It should be noted that the government was willing to help the navy by providing money for bounties to seaman to enlist. "28 Dec'r., 1805: The committee of supply voted £12,000 for civil list, £6,000 for roads and bridges, £2,000 agriculture, £3,000 fisheries, £2,500 for the new Government House, £500 bounties to seamen to enlist in H. M. service, conditioned that no inhabitant or fisherman be impressed." (Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 247.)

^{FN35 Ch7} Murdoch, vol. 3, p. 232 & p. 278.

^{FN36 Ch7} Calendar of Official Correspondence and Legislative Papers Nova Scotia, 1802-1815; compiled by Ells; Pub. #3 (Halifax: PANS, 1936) at p. 294.

^{FN37 Ch7} Ibid. at p. 296.

^{FN38 Ch7} "Vice-Admiral Warren realized that the importation of provisions was desirable and co-operated with Sherbrooke by countersigning the licenses; this ensured that the vessels would not be liable to capture by British cruisers or privateers." Margaret Copp, "Nova Scotian Trade During the War of 1812," as is contained in Historical Essays on the Atlantic Provinces, G. A. Rawlyk, ed. (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1967), p. 86.

^{FN39 Ch7} These were both dated May 21st, 1813, and found in Murdoch, Vol. 3, p. 358.